All about that data
By Gin Armstrong • May 06, 2015 at 11:45 EST
Well-tended profiles on LittleSis can be chock full of interesting and useful information, but where do you begin? A few months ago we rolled out a new tab designed to help you isolate only the information you want to see. Now it’s time for a formal introduction.
Every profile page for people and organizations now has a ‘Data’ tab.
This will allow you to filter the information on the profile page by relationship category, entity type, industry, and interlocks with other people or corporations. You can even just use it to view the current board of directors or executives.
We applied this same tab to lists. Now when viewing a list of individuals you can use the data tab to sort the list members by entity type, industry, and common interlocks. For example, there are 373 names on the Obama 2012 Bundlers list. You can now use the data tab to more precisely filter those connections.
Super cool feature alert: When in the data tab, use the drop down menu from the ‘Lists’ box to see how many individuals are on different lists across the database. Select a list and the individuals connected between the two lists will show up.
You can click the “link” button to link to this filtered view of the data. Or if you want to work with the data in a spreadsheet format, click “Export CSV.” The data from that view will automatically download, and you’ll be able to mark it up and analyze it to your heart’s content.
We have some exciting updates to share about Oligrapher, the LittleSis power mapping tool.
First, it has a brand new home page. Check out all of the amazing visualizations created with Oligrapher since we introduced the tool last year, create a map or sign up for an account, and share the page far and wide! Map all the graft…with Oligrapher.
And some new editing features:
A special holiday treat for analysts!
By Gin Armstrong • Dec 23, 2014 at 15:02 EST
Our lead developer and co-founder Matthew Skomarovsky gave us all a special holiday gift from our wish list. Our relationship categories have expanded to include… [drum roll] …hierarchies!
Yes, you can now add hierarchical relationships between organizations, a critical tool for mapping out winding and convoluted corporate structures. To add a hierarchy to an organization’s profile just add a relationship as normal and select ‘hierarchy’ from the menu of choices.
All existing child/parent hierarchy data was converted to this new relationship format and these relationships will now load when using Oligrapher, our power mapping tool.
Happy hierarch-ing analysts!
Current analysts: Be sure to re-bookmark the LittleSis bookmarklet in order to have this relationship category show up when editing.
Following the Ferguson grand jury’s decision not to indict Darren Wilson, critics observed that prosecutor Bob McCulloch acted more like a defense attorney than a prosecutor seeking an indictment. In doing so, he may have been channeling his younger brother.
LittleSis has learned that Joe McCulloch, who is an attorney, has represented several Missouri cops in high-profile police brutality cases. In at least two cases, he worked alongside current members of Darren Wilson’s legal team, and he takes legal referrals from Wilson’s union. Additionally, the McCullochs’ cousin, Thomas Moran, was at the center of a major police brutality case in the 1990s – he was charged in the beating of a 19-year-old developmentally-disabled black man, and acquitted by an all-white jury in Kansas City.
Critics calling for McCulloch’s recusal have previously pointed to his ties to the police through family members and the killing of his police officer father by a black robbery suspect. But his personal ties to police brutality cases raise additional questions about whether he was inappropriately biased in his handling of the Ferguson case.
The Endless Chain
A single example will illustrate the vicious circle of control–the endless chain–through which our financial oligarchy now operates:
J.P. Morgan (or a partner), a director of the New York, New Haven, & Hartford Railroad, causes that company to sell to J.P. Morgan & Co. an issue of bonds. J.P. Morgan & Co. borrow the money with which to pay for the bonds from the Guaranty Trust Company, of which Mr. Morgan (or a partner) is a director. J.P. Morgan & Co. sell the bonds to the Penn Mutual Life Insurance Company, of which Mr. Morgan (or a partner) is a director. The New Haven spends the proceeds of the bonds in purchasing steel rails from the United States Steel Corporation, of which Mr. Morgan (or a partner) is a director. The United States Steel Corporation spends the proceeds of the rails in purchasing electrical supplies from the General Electric Company, of which Mr. Morgan (or a partner) is a director. The General Electric sells supplies to the Western Union Telegraph Company, a subsidiary of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company; and in both Mr. Morgan (or a partner) is a director…
– from Other People’s Money and How the Bankers Use It, published by Louis Brandeis in 1914
The “endless chain” of power elite relationships that we track on LittleSis can be challenging to represent in the space of a paragraph. Reading through a list of relationships is often a confusing and mind-numbing exercise; writing such a list can have a similar effect on the author. It is, however, extremely important that we find effective methods of representing these relationships and informing the public about them. Stories of power, corruption, and undue influence revolve around relationships and networks, and exposing this information can have significant policy impact.
Last week, the Salt Lake Tribune ran an op-ed entitled “‘Bean-counting bureaucrats’ at BLM are locking up Utah’s future,” advocating the opening of federally owned lands to oil and gas drilling. The column, essentially the same as an op-ed that ran a week earlier in the Las Vegas Review-Journal, relies on a report by Timothy Considine, a University of Wyoming economics professor whose work we have profiled in depth in our reporting on the “frackademia” phenomenon. That report was funded by the Interstate Policy Alliance, a project of the corporate PR firm Berman and Company which has created myriad front groups to advocate the interests of the tobacco, food, and alcohol industries and to attack unions, animal rights, and environmental regulations. The Salt Lake Tribune and Las Vegas Review-Journal columns were penned by Anastasia Swearingen, who is identified as a research analyst at the Environmental Policy Alliance, a project of another Berman front group, the Center for Organizational Research and Education.
In their foray into the fracking debate, Berman and Company seems to have deployed a vertically integrated astroturf campaign wherein the firm funded research from a notorious pro-fracking academic through one of its fronts and then deployed another front to cite the research in various newspapers in the Rocky Mountain region.
A little more than a week ago the Orange County Register ran a column by Timothy Considine, the director of the Center for Energy Economics and Public Policy at the University of Wyoming arguing against a ban on hydraulic fracturing in California. Considine claims that fracking in the Monterey Shale could add 557,000 jobs per year and increase the state domestic product by $63 billion. While Considine’s numbers look compelling, they are based on a wild overestimate of the recoverable oil from the Monterey formation. Five days after Considine’s column ran, the Energy Information Administration reduced its estimate of recoverable oil from the Monterey Shale by 96%.
On Tuesday, the Los Angeles Times published an interview with Stanford professor of geophysics Mark Zoback in which he argued against a moratorium on fracking in California and lauded the oil and gas regulatory regimes in Pennsylvania and Texas. At the beginning of the article, Zoback is identified as “Stanford geophysicist since 1984, member of the National Academy of Engineering’s Deepwater Horizon investigation committee, personal ‘decarbonizer,’ [and] fracking expert.”
What the LA Times left off of Zoback’s CV is his role as an oil and gas industry insider. In addition to his position at Stanford and role on President Obama’s industry-stacked Natural Gas Subcommittee of the Energy Advisory Board, Zoback is a senior executive advisor to the oilfield services company Baker Hughes, the former chair the oil and gas consulting firm GeoMechanics International (purchased by Baker Hughes in 2008), and a director of the Research Partnership to Secure Energy for America, a federally funded think tank dedicated to “exploring, producing and transporting-to-market energy or other derivative products from ultra-deepwater and unconventional natural gas and other petroleum resources.”
Two weeks ago we reported on former New Mexico governor Bill Richardson’s failure to disclose his Advisor and Chairman positions at consulting firm APCO Worldwide, in his TIME op-ed promoting exporting liquified natural gas (LNG). From December 2012 to January 2014, APCO was contracted by the Ukrainian State Agency for Investment and National Projects for $330,000 to consult on improving the image of an LNG infrastructure project in the country. In November 2013 Richardson was busted for not disclosing this conflict of interest in an article he authored for the Financial Times on exporting LNG to Europe. The Financial Times was forced to issue a correction.
It seems that Richardson has yet to learn his lesson, and is in fact poised to benefit from his high-profile stance supporting LNG exports. On “Platts Energy Week TV” Sunday, Richardson supported speeding up the Department of Energy’s review process for LNG export terminal applications and stressed the role of LNG in providing security to countries in Europe:
“I think it’s important that the United States, as a nation, either pass legislation or executive orders that make it easier to construct these LNG terminals, export natural gas and oil, and increase our energy friendship with these countries that are really fearful of what’s going to happen to them, like what happened to Ukraine.”
You can view the full interview below:
As the west scrambles for a geopolitical response to Russia’s play for the Crimean peninsula, advocates for the oil and gas industry have used the situation to redouble the push to export liquefied natural gas (LNG). Framing the issue as a matter of protecting a fledgling democracy and ensuring security for United States allies, oil- and gas-affiliated pundits, lobbyists, and politicians have begun banging the drum to increase gas exports as a way for the United States to win this standoff with its Cold War rival. However, approving more LNG export facilities is unlikely to have any effect on the current crisis as construction of terminals will take years and billions of dollars and there is no way to ensure that gas will go to Ukraine or any European country when it fetches a higher price in Asia.
Though increased gas exports would not likely score the US a geopolitical win in Crimea, it would help the oil and gas industry to increase their bottom line by selling natural gas, which is currently barely profitable to drill for, to high-priced Asian markets.
As Republic Report’s Lee Fang showed, many in the commentariat calling for exports as a solution have ties to oil and gas lobbying groups and Koch-funded think tanks. We wrote last week on former New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson, who penned an op-ed arguing to use LNG to “[secure] regional independence from Russia,” without disclosing that his employer had been employed as recently as December as a consultant to Ukraine on an LNG project.
Members of Congress have also been speaking out on the issue and have introduced several bills in the House and Senate to expedite Department of Energy approval of LNG export permits. We found that some of the legislators most vocal about LNG and Ukraine have been the recipients of large amounts of campaign cash from the oil and gas industry – the five profiled below have brought in more than $1.5 million since 2009.